(Onitsha
Nigeria, 15th of May 2016)-My
view and that of International Society
for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law were recently sought by some
media establishments in Nigeria including the authorities of the Guardian
Newspaper concerning the unfolding social happenings in the country and their
spiralling negative effects on the polity; leading to some highly placed
citizens of Nigeria calling for the return to Regionalism. Though our said view lent to the Newspaper under
reference meant to be reflected in its latest edition (Sunday, 15th
of May 2016) on the topic was omitted, but we are compelled by compelling
circumstances to expand the pie and articulate the following position as our
contribution to the raging debate for the purposes of “escalating and democratizing”
well thought out views associated with the debate and taking same beyond the
boundaries of Nigerian “paper media newsroom gamesmanship”..
Prominent among those that called for the
return of Nigeria to Regionalism is Barr Ike Ekweremadu,
who is also the Deputy President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of
Nigeria. Those Regionalism advocates are further
divided into three schools of establishment, scholarship and activist
groups. While the calls from the establishment
and scholarship schools are narrower in scope (i.e. hinged on economic
melt-down being experienced by sub-national entities or States), that espoused
by activist
school is larger or broader in scope (i.e. inevitability of a
National Question & its timeliness) and it is heightened by violent
approaches to the issues of democratic governance and its fundamental elements;
adopted by Gen Muhammadu Buhari.
We make bold to say that the centrality of
the above argument for or against Regionalism in Nigeria lies
within the confines of a National Question. The question as whether the States will continue to be
retained or be replaced with Regionalism or change or retention of present fiscal or revenue formulae, alone, is
incapable of arresting and addressing holistically the age-long disunity and
socio-economic backwardness of Nigeria. Therefore,
the arguments of the two schools under reference are out-rightly dismissive and
fire-brigade approach because economic status, alone, being cited by the two
schools as sole reason necessitating clamour for return to Regionalism or otherwise; is
grossly an insignificant ground to alter the existence of “statism” in Nigeria
or creation of new regionalism in the country. That is to say that
clamours for abolition of States and
creation of Regionalism for sole purpose
of addressing the economic melt-down of the States, are too parochial, narrow-minded
and lazily premised. If “economic buoyancy” is a
fundamental reason for the existence of sub-national entities or States, or
even national entities or countries; then poor countries like Benin Republic,
Macedonia, Albania, Comoros Island, Djibouti, Laos, Nepal, Haiti, Fiji Island,
etc would have fizzled out long ago and got permanently disbanded out of
existence.
The stark realities behind the present
economic crises in most, if not all the States in Nigeria are extensively
self-inflicted and self-invited. There is gross corporate laziness on the part
of most, if not all the chief executives of the affected States. Flamboyancy,
over-sized government or cabinet composition, wasteful spending, parochialism,
primitive lust for property acquisition and lifestyles, greed and graft are
also responsible at large scale. To these States chief executives and their
conspiratorial State lawmakers and their principal leaderships, governance is
no longer a call to serve but an opportunity to loot, plunder and run governance
as business enterprises or private companies.
Take the issue of borrowing, for instance,
why must Nigeria’s rich and middle rich
States go borrowing and for what reasons or purposes? Is borrowing a must? Typical example is Lagos State, which is the
richest State or sub-national entity in Nigeria in
terms of non-federal allocations or IGR and annual cumulative accruals;
yet the State is the most indebted State in Nigeria. Lagos is one of the
smallest land-massed States in Nigeria, measuring about 4,211 square
kilometres; yet the most infrastructurally developed in Nigeria. The State is
also the most urbanized in the country having witnessed infrastructural development
as far back as over 155 years ago or 1861. The State is presently heavily indebted
and the most indebted State in the country; despite being a N300billion-N350billion or $1.5billion-$1.75billion
annual economy. Its Internally Generated Revenue alone for 2015 was put at N288billion.
The State currently has over N500billion
internal and external debts. The question is: Is Lagos State supposed to
borrow? Will the State crash if it does not borrow? Did Anambra State under
Peter Obi crash for refusing to borrow? How come Anambra State under Obi left
tens of billions of naira in cash and investments without borrowing and with
appreciable infrastructural turn-around in the State? What is the size of Lagos State monthly wage
bills? What is supposed to be its monthly wage bills? What is the percentage of
infrastructural challenge in Lagos State particularly virgin or new
infrastructures considering its highly urbanized and infrastructural
development level? What will it take Lagos State to run its supposedly
maintenance governance without getting sunk in serial indebtedness?
The same problems above are also found in
other buoyant States like FCT, Ogun, Kano,
Delta, Bayelsa, Akwa Ibom and Rivers States, and to an extent, Edo, Abia
and Imo States; a situation whereby richer States are more heavily indebted
locally and internationally than the poorer States of the Northeast, Northwest
and North-central zones and their counterparts in Southeast and Southwest zones.
Their States’ chief executives in conspiracy with their States assemblies have
not only milked their States dry, but also mortgaged them in serial
indebtedness with virtually no innovative ideas of how to turn their States
positively around beyond the teething shores of indebtedness and by cutting
their coats according to their sizes.
What do you make of a State Executive
Council, composed of 600 to over 1000 cabinet size with billions of naira spent
monthly in allowances and media image laundering? How on earth will a
democratic governor elected to serve his people and improve their
socio-economic lives turns himself into a reigning king or queen. A civilian
governor that brandishes a traditional elephant tusk or horse tail with agbada
and is entertained by drummers in all his official governance outings, locally,
nationally and internationally; is nothing but “Festus Okotie Eboh of our time”;
and such a governor is not taken seriously in the scale of real democratic
governance particularly before the international development institutions.
Also, owing to loopholes and deformities
in Sections 7 (parasitism of LGA system in the hands of States Executives &
Legislatures) and 162 (6) (State-LGA Joint account) of the 1999 Constitution,
70% or more of statutory monthly federation Local Government Councils’
allocations are maliciously diverted by the States and their Legislatures; yet
they continuously complain of dearth of funds. From the foregoing, it is
elementarily clear that those clamouring for the return to Regionalism on sole
account of addressing the States’ economic melt-down are deceiving Nigerians
and being economical with the truth.
However, Nigeria as a country is long
overdue for a National Question and its majoritarian answer. Absence of a
National Question has retarded and will continue to retard the national
development, unity and cohesion in Nigeria as a country. From military cabals
of northern oligarchs to Obasanjo’s civilian presidency nurse-maided by a cabal
of ex military generals; to the present “Tinubu/Miyatti Allah oligarchy”, this
long overdue National Question has been vehemently resisted by the
referenced above. But the more it is cabalistically resisted, the more its
immunity to such resistance stirs up unquenchably. In the world over, “rigid
sovereignty or absolute sovereignty” is steadily waning and it is being
out-fashioned by “citizens’ sovereignty or sovereignty as a responsibility”.
A National
Question is a must and inevitable in Nigeria, otherwise the country
will continue to rigmarole in absurdities. A National Question simply
means a round table gathering of all ethnic nationalities through their
representatives by way of proportionality or through the principle of equality;
for the purpose of congregation and aggregation of common views and interests
of all nationalities on how best to live together in peace and giant national
development as a great socio-cultural diverse country or union of regional
autonomies; with such congregated and aggregated agreements put to a general
referendum of yes or no universal adult suffrage. It is also a
National Question Answered when previous national dialogues’
outcomes are revisited, re-modified, updated, expanded or narrowed and
popularly implemented with or without referendum or referenda.
Such a National Question or a
National Question answered will
critically and satisfactorily address the geo-political, geo-ethno-religious,
geo-agricultural, geo-legislative, geo-judicial, geo-securitization,
geo-environmental, geo-demographic, geo-industrial composition of the
country. They can be factored at the end into optional and agreeable political
structure by way of “confederacy” or “regionalism”, or “federacy”
or “union or league of autonomous States/Regions of Nigeria”; or better
still, “independent States of the former Federal Republic of Nigeria”.
“Doing everything to keep Nigeria
together, even with self death and State violence”, is a presidential
over-statement and akin to Mikhail Gorbachev’s unheeded early warning signals’
statement in then Union of Soviet Socialist Republic in the inevitable dying
days of the Union; which eventually died in 1991. When the time for a National
Question reaches its peak and its resistance continues, it can snowball
into calamitous consequences with unquenchable repercussions. That is to say
answers to a National Question have peaceful and violent outcomes, depending
on the wisdom and foresight or otherwise of the managers of the political
territory with such inevitable National Question.
Instances abound. The National Question of
Czechoslovakia was well and peacefully answered leading to its Velvet
Revolution of 29th of December 1989; which gave birth to
Czech and Slovak Republics. That of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics
was answered under relatively peaceful atmosphere; leading to peaceful
dissolution of the Union and emergence of 15 distinct States of Armenia,
Georgia, Lithuania, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Ukraine,
Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Uzbekistan, Estonia, Latvia and Tajikistan on 26th
of December 1991.
Conversely, the National Question of the
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was answered violently (violent
conflict) leading to violent breakup of the country between 1991 and 1992,
leading to emergence of seven violent independent States of Bosnia &
Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia.
By:
Emeka
Umeagbalasi
Board
Chairman, International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law
(Intersociety) & Leader, Southeast Based Coalition of Human Rights
Organizations (SBCHROs)
Mobile
Line: +2348174090052
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